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That They May Be One - Part IV
Part 4: Winning Hearts and Minds
In the present efforts being made towards reconciling the Eastern and Oriental
Orthodox Churches there are perhaps few obstacles greater than the opposing
positions taken by these two communions with respect to the Tome of Leo and
the Council of Chalcedon. A genuine Orthodox ecumenism cannot operate under
the assumption that these issues can be swept under the carpet. Both the Tome
and the Council must be faced up to if real reconciliation is to take place.
But a true Orthodox ecumenism does not require either a repetition of polemical
formulas, such as is usually found on the internet, nor a passing over the
issues as if they were of no consequence.
This paper of course can only reflect an Oriental Orthodox contribution. It
is not possible to prescribe what the Eastern Orthodox must do. But it should
be possible to see how far the Oriental Orthodox might go in making our own
position understood more completely and in turn seeking to understand that
of the Eastern Orthodox tradition without diminishing the integrity of our
own Christological position.
It is clear that any Christian wishing to participate
in such an effort must reject a merely polemical approach. There is no value
at all in an Eastern Orthodox simply parroting the polemical slogan, “Accept the Seven Councils!”,
while his Oriental Orthodox opponent parrots the equally polemical slogan, “Anathema
to the Tome and the Council”. This kind of sloganeering may make us feel good
for a while but it is not Christian, let alone likely to achieve any sort of
positive result. Even were we Oriental Orthodox convinced that the Eastern
Orthodox were Nestorian to any degree we would find an aggressive and polemical
approach completely counter-productive in winning souls for the truth. Even
more so is it an inappropriate response when our bishops teach us that we should
consider the Eastern Orthodox communion to confess an Orthodox Christology.
We might well imagine the response to St Paul 's preaching on the Areopagus
had he chosen to focus on the negative aspects of Athenian religious life rather
than drawing attention to that which was commendable. A polemical approach
is always simplistic and simply counting councils says nothing at all about
what is actually believed. Indeed it is not clear how many Ecumenical Councils
even the Eastern Orthodox should accept. Father John Romanides taught that
there were nine Ecumenical Councils ,
while the patriarchs of the Eastern Orthodox communion, in an encyclical issued
in 1848 refer to “ the eighth Ecumenical Council” .
This paper will seek to explore several aspects of these issues. Firstly it
will consider the basis on which Oriental Orthodox synods, bishops, priests
and lay folk have come to conclude that the substance of Eastern Orthodox theology,
and especially Christology, is Orthodox. Then it will consider in what sense
the Tome of Leo and the Council of Chalcedon have been rejected. It will also
be necessary to understand in what sense these two controversial matters are
understood by our Eastern Orthodox brethren today. Then there will be some
scope for considering what the possibilities might be for an Oriental Orthodox
response to the Tome of Leo and the Council of Chalcedon, which is more positive
than has been possible in the past, but which equally maintains the integrity
of our Orthodox Christology and is consistent with the substance of the teachings
of our Fathers among the saints, St Cyril, St Severus and others.
Finding Agreement
Our consideration must begin with the modern statements produced by the Joint
Commission for Theological Dialogue between the Orthodox communions since these
reflect, even if in summary, the present beliefs of both communions. The Joint
Commission is a body which has the full support of our hierarchies and whose
Agreed Statements have been received in our Synods. These statements therefore
reflect the opinions and aspirations of our Synods towards reconciliation,
even if accepting them cannot in itself bring about a reconciliation that depends
on reciprocity of action, which has so far not taken place.
Some of the key statements in these documents state:
“Both families condemn the Nestorian heresy and
the crypto-Nestorianism of Theodoret of Cyrus. They agree that it is not
sufficient merely to say that Christ is consubstantial both with His Father
and with us, by nature God and by nature man; it is necessary to affirm
also that the Logos, Who is by nature God, became by nature Man, by His
Incarnation in the fullness of time.”
“Both families agree that
the Hypostasis of the Logos became composite ( synuetoq ) by
uniting to His divine uncreated nature with its natural will and energy,
which He has in common with the Father and the Holy Spirit, created human
nature, which He assumed at the Incarnation and made His own, with its
natural will and energy.”
“Both families agree that the natures
with their proper energies and wills are united hypostatically and
naturally without confusion, without change, without division and without
separation, and that they are distinguished in thought alone. ( th uevria
monh ).”
“Both families agree that He Who wills and acts
is always the one Hypostasis of the Logos incarnate.” “Both
families agree in rejecting interpretations of Councils which do not
fully agree with the Horos of the Third Ecumenical Council and the
letter (433) of Cyril of Alexandria to John of Antioch .”
“The Orthodox agree that the Oriental Orthodox will continue to maintain
their traditional Cyrillian terminology of "one nature of the incarnate
Logos" ( mia fysij toy ueoy Logoy sesarkvmenh ), since they
acknowledge the double consubstantiality of the Logos which Eutyches denied.
The Orthodox also use this terminology. The Oriental Orthodox agree that
the Orthodox are justified in their use of the two-natures formula, since
they acknowledge that the distinction is "in thought alone" ( th
uevria monh ). Cyril interpreted correctly this use in his letter to
John of Antioch and his letters to Acacius of Melitene
(PG 77, 184-201), to Eulogius (PG 77, 224-228) and to Succensus (PG 77, 228-245).”
“In the light of our Agreed Statement on Christology
as well as of the above common affirmations, we have now clearly understood
that both families have always loyally maintained the same authentic Orthodox
Christological faith, and the unbroken continuity of the apostolic tradition,
though they have used Christological terms in different ways. It is this
common faith and continuous loyalty to the Apostolic Tradition that should
be the basis for our unity and communion.”
What must be immediately apparent to any reader is that these statements absolutely
preclude any scope for what may be called a Nestorian understanding of Christology.
If Nestorianism is the introduction of division between the humanity and Divinity
in Christ such that there are two subjects or centres of activity and being,
then these statements reject such an understanding in every paragraph. No-one
who could sign these statements can be considered a Nestorian of any stripe.
Indeed it is clear that our own contributors to this document have ensured
that our own Christological tradition is represented.
On the part of the Eastern Orthodox communion these passages were agreed by
members and representatives of the following Churches; The Ecumenical Patriarchate,
the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria, the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate
of Antioch, the Russian Patriarchate, the Romanian Patriarchate, the Serbian
Patriarchate, the Bulgarian Patriarchate, the Georgian Patriarchate, the Church
of Cyprus, the Church of Greece, the Church of Albania, the Czechoslovakian
Orthodox Church, the Polish Orthodox Church and the Finnish Orthodox Church.
Nor were these minor lay folk, but they were in most cases Metropolitans, Bishops
and theologians of note.
Now it is the case that some Eastern Orthodox will insist that these members
were merely modernist theologians with no representative authority. Nevertheless
it is the case that these members of the Eastern Orthodox Churches, none of
whom have been found guilty of heresy as far as I can see, have agreed that
these statements reflect their Christology. Indeed in 1994 the synod of the
Romanian Orthodox Patriarchate went further and issued a statement which says:
“…the Holy Synod of our Church, in its session of 8-9 December 1994, analyzing
the conclusions of that meeting, and based on the documents elaborated during
the official meetings of the Joint Commission for the dialogue, has decided …..to
take note of and to approve the conclusions of the dialogue between the Orthodox
Church and the Oriental Orthodox Churches .”
Also in 2001 the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria entered into a
pastoral agreement with the Coptic Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria and
Pope Petros VII signed a document, on behalf of his synod which stated:
“….the Holy Synods of both the Coptic Orthodox Church
and the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria and all Africa have already
accepted the outcome of the official dialogue on Christology between the
Orthodox Church and the Oriental Orthodox Churches, including the two official
agreements.”
It is therefore not possible to suggest that the Eastern Orthodox contributors
to these Agreed Statements have no official or representative authority. On
the contrary at least three Eastern Orthodox Patriarchates have taken these
statements as the basis for engaging in a commitment to reconciliation and
in the cases of the Antiochean Patriarchate and the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate
of Alexandria have actually entered into a limited measure of inter-communion.
All of these examples have been enumerated to show that the Agreed Statements
reflect an official Eastern Orthodox contribution and describe the Christology
of the Eastern Orthodox Churches , as well as our own Orthodox communion. If
the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria, and that of Antioch and that
of Romania have been able to synodically accept the Agreed Statements then
it is not possible to describe these Churches as Nestorian or semi-Nestorian,
or crypto-Nestorian. Their acceptance of these passages from the Agreed Statements
completely preclude any acceptance of a Nestorian spirit and prevent anyone
accusing them of holding to a Nestorian Christology.
Therefore it is quite clear that the passage from the Agreed Statement which
says:
“In the light of our Agreed Statement on Christology
as well as of the above common affirmations, we have now clearly understood
that both families have always loyally maintained the same authentic Orthodox
Christological faith, and the unbroken continuity of the apostolic tradition,
though they have used Christological terms in different ways. It is this
common faith and continuous loyalty to the Apostolic Tradition that should
be the basis for our unity and communion.”
is based on the fact that the Eastern Orthodox have clearly described an Orthodox
Christology as their own when they have contributed to the Agreed Statement.
It is not a papering over of real differences but a discovery of a real agreement.
The other passages make quite clear that when our own
bishops have agreed that “both families have always loyally maintained the same authentic Orthodox
Christological faith” it is based on having found that the substance of the
Eastern Orthodox faith is the same as ours, not at all because they have watered
down the standards of Orthodox Christology.
His Eminence Metropolitan Bishoy describes this Synodal reception of the Agreed
Statements on the part of the Coptic Orthodox Patriarchate when he writes to
Metropolitan Damaskinos of Switzerland, the Eastern Orthodox co-Chairman of
the Commission and says:
“I would like to inform Your Eminence that the Holy Synod of the Coptic
Orthodox Church, headed and presided by His Holiness Pope Shenouda III of
Alexandria and Patriarch of the See of St. Mark, on its meeting in Cairo
on 12 November 1990, has accepted the Agreed Statement of our last commission”.
Now this is of great importance to the subject at hand.
It means that our bishops have agreed that those Eastern Orthodox Churches
who have accepted the Tome of Leo and the Council of Chalcedon are still
to be considered as “loyally
maintaining the same authentic Orthodox Christological faith”. It must therefore
be the case that it is possible to be Orthodox while also accepting the Tome
and the Council, just as it is the case that the Oriental Orthodox communion
is entirely Orthodox while rejecting the Tome and the Council.
The question this then raises is, in what way do we reject the Tome and the
Council such that our Orthodoxy is not impaired, and in what way might the
Eastern Orthodox accept the Tome and the Council such that their faith is equally
Orthodox?
Our fathers the bishops have already said that this is the
case. Both those who reject and those who accept are Orthodox. What then is
rejected and what is accepted?
Historical Overview The most useful summary of the period before, during and after the Council
of Chalcedon, at least from an Oriental Orthodox perspective is that by Father
V.C. Samuel, The Council of Chalcedon Re-Examined . This
covers the period from even before the first Council of Ephesus, in 431 AD
at which Nestorius was condemned, through to the last efforts at a reconciliation
between the opposing parties in the 7 th century.
In brief, there had always been a tension in the Church between those who
took as their starting point for considering the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus
Christ, either the aspect of the unity of subject, or the aspect of the diversity
of his being. This could be epitomised as a difference between those who started
with asking WHO Christ is, and those who asked WHAT Christ is. Of course in
the balanced middle ground of opinion there was substantial agreement about
both WHO Christ was and WHAT He was. But always on the fringes of both opinions
there were those who were likely to stray beyond the bounds of acceptable Christology
and describe a false Christ, one without the power to save mankind.
For instance, in the period after 360 AD a heresy was propounded, which has
taken the name of one of its chief proponents, Apollinarianism, a bishop of
Antioch . He sought to safe guard the unity of subject in Christ and suggested
that this was achieved by considering that the humanity of Christ was devoid
of a human mind and spirit, and this lack was made up by the presence of the
Divine mind and spirit of the Word. It was clear from the start that this point
of view was unacceptable and damaged the very heart of the Gospel, because
if God had not taken upon Himself our fallen mind and spirit then there was
no possibility of it being redeemed. If God the Word had become man in a manner
that excluded our human mind and spirit then He had not become a man at all.
As the Scriptures teach,
“ Wherefore in all things it behoved him to be made
like unto his brethren , that he might be a merciful and faithful high
priest in things pertaining to God, to make reconciliation for the sins
of the people.” Hebrews
II : 17
Another attempt to describe the relationship of the humanity and Divinity
of Christ was proposed by Nestorius, Archbishop of Constantinople in 428 AD.
He rejected the use of the term Theotokos, or God Bearer, which was used of
the Blessed Virgin Mary. He said that she might be called Christo-tokos, but
not Theo-tokos because,
“ I do not say God is two or three months old."
Of course the Orthodox asked who Christ was if He was not God, and it was
certainly in the tradition of Diodore and Theodore, whom Nestorius followed,
to stress the distinction of humanity and Divinity so much that two subjects
could not help but be formed. It naturally came about that Nestorius was understood
to be teaching that God the Word had united Himself externally to a man, Jesus
Christ, rather than had Himself become a man.
This was of course an equally unacceptable position. If it is not God Himself
who has become man and died for us and rose again to raise us with Him then
we are still lost. We cannot be saved by a man unless that man is really and
truly God.
This Nestorian way of thinking had deep roots. Diodore and Theodore had been
teaching between the middle and end of the 4 th century, much at the same time
that the opposite heresy of Apollinarianism had been current. Even where Christians
rejected the extremes of Diodore and Theodore there was a natural tendency,
especially in Syria and Antioch where they were most popular, to describe Christology
in their terms and to have a suspicion of other terminologies such as that
which came to be used in Alexandria by St Cyril.
Likewise in the Alexandrian circle there was a tendency to describe Christology
in an Apollinarian terminology, even where that heresy was clearly rejected,
and to have a suspicion of those who used an Antiochean vocabulary.
This is rather a stereotype since there were Syrians who were entirely Cyrilline
and Alexandrian in their thought. But there were certainly two theological
parties in the Church by the beginning of the 5 th century and already there
was a difficulty in understanding what others meant.
We find that St Cyril, whom all Orthodox agree is entirely sound in his Christology,
was accused by the Antiocheans of holding to the error of Apollinarius. Even
today there are authors who are quick to level that charge against him based
on the fact that he used a terminology which had some similarities with that
used by Apollinarius, even while he preserved his Christology from all error.
Now if even St Cyril could be falsely accused of heresy and if his writings
could be misunderstood and misinterpreted, how much more might we expect the
writings of lesser men to be liable to such erroneous interpretations.
When Nestorius rose to prominence it must have seemed to the Cyrilline party
that their worst fears had been proved. Here was the very head of the Constantinopolitan
Church teaching outright heresy. It must have seemed only reasonable that anyone
who used the Antiochean terminology was liable to be suspected of Nestorianism.
But unfortunately at the same time as the real heresy of Nestorianism was
being dealt with the Antiochean party was reacting to the teaching and vocabulary
of St Cyril with the same horror. Many were convinced that the ghost of Apollinarianism
had come back to trouble the Church.
Indeed when the aged archimandrite Eutyches fell foul of his enemies in Constantinople
and was accused of a form of Apollinarianism it seemed to the Antiocheans that
they had been right all along. It didn't help that Eutyches was in fact a very
weak theologian and stumbled into error whenever he sought to defend himself.
This was the context in which the Tome of Leo and the Council of Chalcedon
occurred. There were two parties in the Church and both were increasingly convinced
that the other party, which used a different vocabulary and defended different
Christological emphases, must have fallen into error and that only an exclusive
use of one or other terminology could save the Church.
It is undoubtedly the case that there were real heretics at this time, teaching
Christologies which either diminished the real humanity of Christ, in the case
of Apollinarius and Eutyches, or created a division between them, destroying
the real unity, as in the case of Diodore, Theodore and Nestorius, but it cannot
be inferred from this that everyone who did not speak as an Antiochean was
an Apollinarian or Eutychian heretic, or that everyone who did not speak as
an Alexandrian was a Nestorian. Things are never that simple. We must go beyond
what is said and discover what is meant. I have often used the example of the
difficulties which exist when English and American speakers try to communicate.
We do not quite speak the same language. If an American told me that he wore
suspenders I would be quite worried about him, but he would not understand
my confusion. He would mean braces, I would mean, well, suspenders. Who is
right? Of course that depends on what is meant. Likewise when we come to discuss
the Tome and the Council of Chalcedon and natures and hypostases. It is not
enough to use words, we must make sure that we are understood, that we really
communicate, otherwise we simply add to the confusion that already exists.
I have a correspondent in a very traditional Eastern Orthodox jurisdiction.
He knows his theology well. When we first started writing to each other we
were constantly shocked by what the other had written. It seemed so heretical.
But when we took the time to explain what we meant then it was clear that despite
us both being theologically very conservative and on the look out for even
a hint of heresy, we actually believed the same things though we used different
words to describe what we believed.
But it was not only a matter of historical theological controversy. Added
to these theological circumstances were the political aspects of an Eastern
emperor struggling to recover authority and influence in the West and in Rome
, and a papacy that was attempting to exercise an almost modern papal supremacy
over the whole Church. Even in the first letter written by Pope Leo of Rome
to Pope Dioscorus of Alexandria he is attempting to ensure that Alexandria
submit in every practical as well as theological matter to the opinions and
practices of Rome. Nor did it help that Rome was reliant on Latin while the
East spoke Greek, and of course communication was fragmentary and letters took
months rather than days to be delivered.
There were many intertwined factors which must be considered. Nothing takes
place in a vacuum, especially theological controversy, and without taking all
of these issues into account we will merely return to polemics. I have often
corresponded with Eastern Orthodox who cannot even consider that anyone could
read the Tome of Leo in a manner different to them. The spirit of the 5 th
century is not dead and we ourselves must be careful that we do not slip into
easy stereotypes when we consider what the Eastern Orthodox might actually
believe.
This was the historical context in which the Tome of Leo and the Council of
Chalcedon took place. The second part of this paper will examine some of this
context in detail together with the reasons why the Tome and the Council were
rejected and will seek to discover to what extent this controversial ecclesiastical
environment influenced not only the rejection but the outcome of that rejection
on both sides.
We may thank God that we can communicate quickly and easily with people on
the other side of the world. If something is not clear then we can ask for
clarification immediately. Nor are any of us liable to be sent to prison or
exile for our Christological beliefs. God has given us this opportunity to
take the time to understand what the other believes. May we make the most of
it. Our bishops have already understood that we share the same faith. We may
investigate the same issues without needing to skate over real differences,
or manufacture empty ones. Rather we should thank God at every step where we
discover agreement, until He brings us to a visible unity, in His will and
in His way.
PETER THEODORE FARRINGTON
A search on the
internet found over 4000 pages referring polemically to ‘monophysite heretics'.
See
part 1 of his paper, “Augustine
unknowingly rejects the doctrine of the Ecumenical Councils”, which has the
title “Augustine's teachings were condemned as those of Barlaam the Calabrian
by the Ninth Ecumenical Council of 1351”. Encyclical of the Eastern Patriarchs,
1848.
Second Agreed Statement, 1990.
Statement of the Romanian Orthodox Church
on the Theological Dialogue. Published at http://www.orthodoxunity.org/state10.html
Pastoral Agreement between the Coptic
Orthodox and Greek Orthodox Patriarchates of Alexandria . Published at http://www.orthodoxunity.org/state05.html
Statement of the Coptic Orthodox Church
on the Theological Dialogue. Published at http://www.orthodoxunity.org/state09.html
Recently republished by the British
Orthodox Church. Available at Amazon and other on-line booksellers. Xlibris
Corporation ( August 1, 2001 ) ISBN: 1401016448
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